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It is probable that Areius, at least, held some kind of well-defined post, inasmuch as the name of his successor has been preserved. Both Areius and Athenodorus were remembered in antiquity as the authors of essays to two notable imperial women. When Livia was mourning the death of Drusus in 9 B.C., Areius provided her with a consolatio in her hour of grief. Athenodorus is said to have written a book for Augustus' sister, Octavia; this too must have been a consolatio on the occasion of a son's death.* While the Emperor had his own eastern teachers and ad­ visers, he saw to it that his heirs did too. Marcellus was entrusted to the care of two men, one from Tarsus and one from Cilician Seleuceia.

On no account could Octavian spare so murderous a traitor. Adiatorix and his elder son were ex­ hibited in a triumph at Rome and condemned to die. But Galatian heroism altered fate-: Adiatorix' younger son offered himself in place of his brother and so died with his father. The Emperor was amazed: men of such mettle could not be wasted.

But a lasting settlement was difficult in any case because of the difficulties in maintaining devotion to one party or one man. If a republican or triumviral imperator were regarded as the representative of Rome, then allegiance to that man meant allegiance to Rome. The theory was admirable, but useless when Rome was rent by civil strife. A man whom Antony had raised up in an Eastern city or principality had good reason to fear Antony's conqueror, for favour from one man could entail hostility or ruin at the hands of his victorious enemy. Abstract fidelity to Rome in such an age was not only insufficient: it was impossible. The princes who sought Rome's favour during the civil wars could only do so by pledging themselves to the man of the moment. To be sure, in the early years of the Trium­ virate they could regard themselves as attached to a single party which included both Octavian and Antony, but the breach between the two triumvirs forced a choice.

The Asian proconsulship was proposed on the basis of Anth. 25 by Cichorius, RS 326 ff. Approved by Syme in JRS 50 (i960), 1 7. The Syrian legateship: Syme, Klio 27 (1934), 1 2 8.

They constituted a quasi-military investment of a crucial area hitherto lacking detachments of legionaries. Caesar's scheme had its weaknesses, for not all the Romans there were veterans. Some were inexperienced Italians, ill prepared for defence. Augustus was interested, above all, in the veteran colony: in that lay strength. He perceived the inadequacy of non-veteran settlements in strategic positions and therefore with two excep­ tions incorporated the Italian dispossessed in veteran settle­ ments.

Hybreas was one of two rhetors at Mylasa; the other was Euthydemus, who came from a wealthy 1 2 3 4 5 1 3 Dio 52. 2 4 Strabo 3 1 6 (prytanis). 5 6 THE LATE REPUBLICAN BACKGROUND 1 local family. Hybreas' allegiance to Rome was amply dis­ played during the invasion of Labienus 'Parthicus', and his city received praise and favour for resistance. After Euthydemus' death, Hybreas ruled alone; he was awarded the Roman citizenship and became a high priest of Augustus. At Laodicea there was another powerful rhetor who held out against Labienus. He was Zeno, whose son, Polemo, was destined to become the client king of Pontus and the head of the most influential and widely dispersed royal house in the East.

After the Social War she was loath to receive the Roman citizenship, 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 2 Livy 3 5. Strabo 2 8 1. 1 3; quoted on p. 2% (veterans in A.D. (Rhegium), with IG xiv. Strabo 2 5 8 - 9. 6 1 6 (gymnasiarch); CIL x.

1 2 Horace called it Lacedaemonium Tarentum in an ode, imbelle 3 Tarentum in an epistle. Seneca noted that the man who flees from himself often makes Tarentum his destination.

Grant, FIT A 272 (against an Augustan refoundation). Philippi: Zeitschr.f. 39 (1929), 2 6 1. 1: A(ntoni) I(ussu) C(olonia) V(ictrix) P(hilippensium); Dio 5 1. ); Grant, FIT A 2 7 5: IVSSV AVG. • Grant, FIT A 2 8 1.

On the whole matter of the secular character of the leagues in Greece at the beginning of the Principate, see Larsen, Representa­ tive Government in Greek and Roman History (1955), pp. Strabo 366 (formation of the league under Nabis); Paus. 6 - 7 (Augustus' liberation of the league and its twenty-four cities). On pre-Augustan inscriptions (e.g. 1226, 1227) the league is called KOIVOV rwv AaKcoaifiovCcov; IG v. 1 1 6 1, 1 1 6 7, 1 1 7 7, 1243 (imperial) give KOLVOU rdv 'EXcvOcpoAaKOJVOJV. Bowersock, JRS 5 1 (1961), 1 1 6.

The first Princeps maintained the organ­ ization he inherited but shifted its centre of gravity. About 14 B.C. Patrae was chosen to be its guardian city: it was ad­ mirably located for trade at the western end of the Gulf of Corinth, but it lacked inhabitants and size. Hence the Em­ peror established a Roman colony on the site and incorporated adjacent Greek villages in a grand synoecism. The earlier colony of Dyme was swallowed up in the new foundation.

The tumult in the house of Herod shook the kingdom of Cappadocia, whose king was connected with Herod through the marriage of his daughter to a son of the Jew. The dynast of Sparta, whom the heir of Caesar had elevated from a disreputable obscurity, journeyed to the Near East and turned all things to his own gain. This much was bad enough: the client kings, established to relieve the Em­ peror of worry and expense, had plunged the East into com­ motion. What was worse was Herod's invasion of Arabia.

In effect, Athenodorus replaced Boethus as lord of the city and guided its opinion into support of the Emperor. Nestor, another Augustan Tarsian, was sent back to succeed Athenodorus after his death. Augus­ tus found it too dangerous to leave a loyal Antonian in control of Tarsus, but the city needed someone to run it. Accordingly a client tyrant was displaced by a member of the imperial court invested with special powers. Athenodorus and Nestor symbolize the close link in policy between the support of client princes and the employment of natives directly in the im­ perial service. Caesar had installed Lycomedes the priest as dynast of Pontic Comana, and Antony had left him there. Octavian made a change.

Such a poet had republican pre­ cedents, not to mention Antipater of Thessalonica in the retinue of Augustus' contemporary, Piso the Pontifex. But inasmuch as a monarchy was taking shape in Rome, the court versifier resembled most of all a poet laureate. This was the role of another Mytilenean, Crinagoras, the son of Callippus. Crinagoras met Augustus for the first time at Tarraco in Spain in 26 B. C as an ambassador from his city in Lesbos. Some twenty years previously he had gone to Rome on a similar mission to confront Caesar the Dictator.

ROMANS AND T H E H E L L E N I C L I F E 83 1 to those at Baiae and far less crowded. Visitors who came from Rome to experience 7) iv NearroXeL Staywyr) r) 'EXXrjVLKTJ did so for a diversity of reasons; some sought peace and quiet (rjavxla), others in old age or infirmity wanted to live without effort. Cicero once admirably caught the essence of Neapolis when he described it as a city 'itself suited rather for calming men's passions than for rekindling the animosities of men in trouble'. It was to Augustus' advantage to encour­ age the prosperity of a place like that. 2 Neapolis instituted quinquennial sacred games in honour of the Emperor. Such an institution was nothing new for Augustus; he had himself established the Actia in Greece several decades before. But the Italica Romaea Sebasta Isolympia were the first of their kind to be held on Italian soil, and a century was to pass before they received a rival in Italy.

For Agrippa: Magie, CP 3 (1908), 145 ff. R O M A N M A G I S T R A T E S IN T H E A U G U S T A N EAST 15 fasti of the Augustan age; their qualifications must have in­ cluded acquaintance with the East, and more. The Sulpicii Galbae and the Valerii Messallae had re­ publican traditions of service in the East. Scions of these houses could have grown up expecting that they would go there. A Sulpicius under the Emperor Tiberius took his own life when he was prevented from entering his name in the sortition which could have given him the proconsulship of Asia or Africa. The Sulpicii had been in the East since the days of P.

Possibly the drilling of young recruits devolved upon resident veterans: a praefectus tironibus is attested in Narbonensian Gaul. The veterans were associated locally in collegia whose military character is suggested in a dedication to a knight at Aries from the Collegium Honoris et Virtutis: at Rome the temple of Honos and Virtus was in the immediate vicinity of the temple of Mars before the Porta Capena, and it was from that temple that the equestrian 3 4 5 6 transvectio began. 7 The Augustan colonies in Pisidia have long been regarded as particularly clear examples of garrison colonies, installed be­ cause of the threat of the Homonadensian War. These founda­ tions have been connected hitherto with a special emergency, although there has always been some difficulty in explaining why the colonies were not founded until two decades after the death of Amyntas, who had been killed by the Homonadensians. Recent analysis has yielded satisfying results: not only Antioch but also two of the lesser Pisidian colonies were sent out in the mid-20's B. Hence the Homonadensian War could 8 1 2 3 Cic. * JRS 14 (1924), 201.

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Strabo 2 5 3. 3 4 9 5 6 81 ROMANS AND T H E H E L L E N I C L I F E Greek cities of the West. Unless Livy is here guilty of anachro­ nism, an orator in the year 193 B. C could ask, 'How are men of Smyrna and Lampsacus any more Greek than the peoples of Neapolis, Rhegium, and Tarentum?'

Tarentum and Rhegium have left scanty traces of their Greek civilization. Tarentum was obviously a pleasant spot in the late Republic and early Empire. It received a colony of C. Gracchus and was thereafter much better off than before, according to Strabo. City-weary Romans would find Taren­ tum a peaceful, rural retreat with a relaxing Greek atmosphere.

Not all the Greek-speaking nations and principalities were included in the provinces of official Roman magistrates, but they could not on that account be neglected. Pompey had perceived the economic and strategic importance of Roman influence where outright subjection was lacking.

Strabo 7 8 2; not known to Josephus. 3 5 4 6 KINGS AND DYNASTS 57 1 to the throne. A partition resulted, which did not suffice. Archelaus the ethnarch was brutal and murderous; he had to be removed, and he was removed far away—to Vienne in Narbonese Gaul.

But even if the other confidants and panegyrists did not secure favours for individual cities, theirs was a vital role: they offered guidance in respect to peoples they understood and made known among them the ways of 2 3 4 5 1 Plut. 61 (where Syria is perhaps an error for Mesopotamia: Magie, RRAMii.

Tiberius Gracchus himself is said to have fallen under Greek influence of a liberal kind: Plut. And Tiberius had his own eastern clients, inherited from his father: Badian, Foreign Clienteles (1958), pp.

5 (Actium), 23 (Megara). Jones, GC 3 1 2, n. 124 (Alexandria Troas).

Finally, in cases where there was no Greek ancestry, an opportunity to become influential local dignitaries in Roman colonies was offered to men who were destined to be nobodies in Italy. The Italian backgrounds of the distinguished colonial families of l 2 3 after Amyntas' death) together with Pliny, NH 5. 94, which names Antioch as a colonia but none of the other Pisidian colonies. Levick has now demonstrated from numismatic evidence that Cremna (pp. 5 3 - 5 5 ) and Lystra (pp. 60-61) were also both founded in 25 B.C.

He wrote to Herod that he had long treated him as a friend but henceforth would treat him as a subject. The diplomatic Damascene, Nicolaus, managed to effect a reconciliation with Augustus; Syllaeus was con­ demned to die as a token of that reconciliation. He was al­ leged to have caused the disasters of Aelius Gallus' expedition into Arabia Felix twenty years earlier.

(as in PIR, S 722). 169 (Achaea; cf.

A Greek rhetorician introduced Antony to the highly in­ fluential Alexas of Laodicea. In Corinth Antony established a Greek freedman as his agent. But it would be wrong to conclude that personal interest more than prudence dictated Antony's diplomatic policy: the whole of his settlement of the client kingdoms betrays a remarkable understanding of the East. There was nothing wrong with artistic friends.

4 2 7 - 8, and Jones, GC, pp. 1 7 0 - 1 on this matter. See chapter V I I I below.

2 4 6 8 7 20 R O M A N M A G I S T R A T E S IN T H E A U G U S T A N EAST 1 Subsequently he passed to the proconsulship in Asia, which his uncle may have held not too many years before him. Marcus Vinicius was an intimate of the Emperor, and although he was employed in the East according to that tradition which Augus­ tus was creating for the Vinicii, his ability and fidelity were also required on the northern frontiers. Meanwhile, the son of the consul of 33, also a Lucius, was growing up in the most distinguished circles. Handsome and elegant, he was one of the suitors of Augustus' daughter, Julia. That may have been his undoing, for although he became consul in 5 B.C., he was the only Vinicius in the early decades of the Principate not to have held an eastern proconsulship; in fact, he held—so far as recorded—no proconsulship at all. The scandals which shook the Augustan house soon after Lucius' consulship will explain his failure to advance thereafter.

Antioch's foundation £. Is fixed by Strabo 577 (colony sent there 5 6 7 8 EASTERN COLONIES 71 not have been an enterprise of nearly so great a magnitude as used to be thought. The garrison colonies represent prophy­ lactic rather than emergency measures. They are not to be too sharply distinguished in function from the Black Sea founda­ tions of Caesar and the Mauretanian foundations of Augustus, nor from Berytus and Heliopolis in Syria. Sherwin-White was unable to discover any military function for the Syrian colonies; yet the Ituraeans were notorious brigands, like the Homonadensians.

A few great cities flourished under imperial patronage, serving as focal points in the coun­ try's economy. In Laconia the League of the Lacaedemonians had been formed in the time of Nabis under the tyranny of Sparta. Augustus liberated the league from Spartan rule, and the twenty-four cities assumed a new name: the League of Free Laconians. It was bound together by a mutual interest in the marble and purple trade.

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260-5; 273-9. KINGS AND DYNASTS 59 Odrysian, ruled at the opening of the Principate, but at his death a Sapaean was made regent for his children.

But the affluent Pythodorus was undaunted: he bought the land back from Caesar, and his son, perhaps an adherent of Antony, produced a daughter who married into the house of Zeno of Laodicea and became queen of Pontus. Some of Caesar's aristocratic partisans can also be identified. It can safely be assumed that Priene, and in particular the family of Crates in that city, were devoted to the name of Caesar, inasmuch as Crates had secured help from Caesar's father, when he governed Asia, against the abuses of publi­ cans. And another kinsman of Caesar was remembered for a similar service at Ilium. The Milesian Epicrates supplied funds for Caesar's ransom, in return for which he became a Roman citizen; his family continued in wealth and favour into the Principate.? Caesar also had friends at Cnidos: 2 3 4 5 6 1 Cic. 5 5 - 5 6 ( L.

See also Athen. 343c (an actor) and Pliny, NH 13. 92 (hanging tables of citrus-wood). His second wife was Glaphyra, daughter of King Archelaus: Jos., BJ 2. 1 1 5; AJ 17.

The colonists derived from one or more of three groups: the urban population of Rome, the dispossessed Italians, and veterans. It was Caesar alone at this time who concerned himself with relieving the overcrowded condition of the city of Rome. Buthrotum was colonized with emigrants from Rome, doubtless of the lower classes, and Strabo says explicitly that the Caesarian colonists at Corinth came from the city and consisted largely of freedmen. The dictator could hardly have had romanization in mind when he sent so many Greeks back to their old environment. The Graeculi of Rome could not have been regarded as importers of the Roman way of life in the country from which they had emerged.

C.: Head, HN 506-7 and IGR 3. - 1 3 7 (Oath of Gangra). BMC 2 2 3 4 6 2 KINGS AND DYNASTS 53 kingdom. An obscure man with the name Scribonius stirred up revolt, strengthening his position by marrying Asander's widow, Dynamis. Agrippa, in the East at that time, attempted to put one of the client kings to good use; he ordered Polemo to pro­ ceed against the rebel. Polemo was singularly ineffective, but the presence of Agrippa in the Black Sea sufficed to remind the Bosporan peoples of their folly. They murdered Scribonius themselves.

In addition to Crates, the city of Priene saw fit to honour several other citizens for their negotiations with Romans: Moschion, Herodes, Zosimus, Heracleitus. A cer­ tain wealthy citizen of Istros, Aristagoras, was praised for his benefactions, which included the use of his private funds for public purposes and numerous embassies on behalf of the city.

Laodicea on the Lycus produced excellent wool, and the exceptionally rich country in the vicinity of Sardis was made to yield despite frequent earthquakes. Cyzicus grew in size and beauty to rival the leading cities of Asia. Tyre in Syria did a thriving business in purple, while the establishment of quinquennial games at Syrian Antioch marked the beginning of its rise to 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 P. 10 (1961), 2 1 2 ff.

Service in the East ended for an entire family in one notable instance. Claudius Pulcher, consul of 38 B.C., was one of the patricians who appeared on the side of Octavian in the Sicilian, War.

Seneca described him as a sharpwitted man with all the virtues of a Roman: virum acrem, 2 Graecis verbis, Romanis moribus philosophantem. Not only that, for he was a man of political promise, ita natus ut rem publicam deberet capessere. Julius Caesar offered him the latus clavus, but he refused. Sextius knew what could be given and what could be taken away.